IN the world of diplomacy, Sha Zukang is a maverick.

For a profession that requires the delicate art of balancing and suppression of individuality, the 67-year-old Chinese diplomat is unusually blunt — and charismatic.

Having been in this career for 44 years and currently working as secretary-general of Rio+20 summit, a UN conference on sustainable development, Sha recently talked to Shanghai Daily in an exclusive interview on the sidelines of the Shanghai Forum, hosted by Fudan University.

Before this portfolio, he has made a name for being outspoken when it comes to defending China’s national interests, at the UN and on other occasions.

At certain points during his career, Sha was China’s ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, head of the arms-control division of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and China’s chief representative to UN offices in Geneva and various international organizations, where he earned the nickname of “Cannon Sha.”

Looking back, he still vividly recalled the Yinhe incident that catapulted him to fame and helped him to rise through the ranks.

The Yinhe incident

In July 1993, the United States accused the Chinese cargo ship Yinhe of delivering substances used to produce chemical weapons to Iran, and sent two warships and five helicopters to intercept the Yinhe vessel on the high seas.

The US demanded that its investigators be allowed to board the boat and check the cargo. China initially refused. Tensions quickly flared up.

In an incident that Sha likened to the 1962 Cuban missile crisis — in which the showdown between the US and Soviet Union over Soviet missiles deployed in Cuba nearly plunged the world into a nuclear war — he was given the daunting task of managing the crisis as one of the youngest officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was 46 at the time.

“If we rejected the US request for a boarding check, that would have lent credence to the American claims; if we complied, then it would be an insult to national honor,” Sha observed, “either way we chose, it was a dilemma.”

After a lot of bargaining and maneuvering, he received orders from superiors instructing him to allow the boarding check. It was embarrassing but at least it was the “lesser of two evils,” said Sha. Otherwise, the incident might escalate into a “flashpoint for Sino-American military confrontation.”

Finally, investigators found none of the prohibited items that US intelligence operatives so confidently accused the ship of carrying. China kept its honor, and it was the US that “lost face” over inaccurate intelligence.

Due to his role in peaceful resolution of the crisis, especially his composure and toughness in the face of US bellicosity, Sha quickly shot to fame.

In retrospect, however, he said he might not dare to handle the incident the way he did. Back then, he wasn’t burdened by too many considerations. “I was intemperate in my youth!” he said with a belly laugh.

Contrary to popular imagination that he was under immense pressure in handling the incident, Sha smiled and said he had his ways to relax.

Known for his fascination with Chinese novels of ancient knighthood and chivalry, the Jiangsu Province native and farmer-turned-diplomat said he read three such novels during the recesses of negotiations with the Americans.

Asked how it helped, Sha said the stories’ plots — featuring heroes battling tyrants for justice — inspired his values and warrior spirit.

Throughout his diplomatic career, he has stood up to power to defend China’s interests, especially in the 1990s, when China was still weak and constantly subjected to snubs and bullying from arrogant Western nations.

Weak nations have no say?

Does that make him a believer of realpolitik, that weak nations have no say in diplomacy, unless they empower themselves?

No, that is only partly true: A nation’s economic and military might does matter, but it is not the whole story, said Sha. He cited the Korean War (1950-1953) as an example. In 1950, China came to North Korea’s rescue and sent volunteer troops to fight the US-led “UN army” in Korea, at a time when China itself was trying to rise from the ruins and rebuild itself.

Despite the superiority of its enemies, it didn’t flinch from the threat. On the contrary, it responded forcefully to it, said Sha.

He noted that history indicated that the old saying “weak nations are diplomatic pygmies” is true, but only up to a point. “Diplomacy is war in peacetime; it is a rivalry based on comprehensive national prowess, including not just the economy, but the will of the leadership and the masses as well,” Sha told Shanghai Daily.

Because of his bluntness, Sha is often compared with Wu Jianmin, a suave, moderate, soft-spoken Chinese diplomat and his contemporary. Wu is ex-ambassador to France and now president of China Foreign Affairs University.

“Wu Jianmin is a comrade and diplomat I respect deeply. We have distinct characters, to be sure. But that doesn’t hurt our friendship,” Sha said.

In fact, when he was an envoy to UN institutions in Geneva in 1993, Wu was the yi ba shou, or first-in-command, and Sha served under him.

At the beginning, there were some concerns in higher policy circles about whether the two proud, able diplomats could work together without squabbling. To the surprise of many, they cooperated quite well and secured one diplomatic victory after another for China.

“It was the shared sense of commitment to protecting China’s interests and our common nature as workaholics that resulted in the camaraderie,” said Sha.

Jokingly describing Wu as a bookish “egghead,” Sha said his own ways are those of a farmer, at times crude but always straightforward and down to earth.

There was a time when Chinese diplomats acted like robots, devoid of any personal characteristics, but Sha believes times are changing and China needs more atypical diplomats like Wu and himself.

While he is often praised at home for his tough stance on issues involving China, Sha is aware that some of his fellow diplomats are the targets of online nationalist rebukes.

Chinese diplomacy has regularly drawn flak these years for appearing to be “soft” — or so it is perceived by domestic critics — on China’s maritime disputes with some neighboring countries.

Understanding patriotic passion

Unlike some intellectuals who dismissed the fierce nationalist sentiments as disturbingly vulgar, Sha spoke of them approvingly, saying these feelings should be understood from a positive perspective. “People act angrily and passionately because they love the country. A person who doesn’t care about its destiny and future will not have that passion,” said Sha.

But of course patriotic fervor and passion isn’t the license to smash Japanese cars or lay waste to foreign businesses, he conceded.

“The state has the duty to guide them, to prevent angry patriots from taking extreme action that might cause chaos,” said Sha.

There is a need to talk to them in accessible language, rather than talking down or preaching to them as if they were a morally inferior mob, he added.

Young people will mellow, and when they do, their past follies will become a treasure, according to Sha, who said he himself committed folly in his youth.

He was a leader of the Red Guards and held mass-criticism sessions against authority figures during the “cultural revolution” (1966-1976), a legacy he said has benefited him to this day.